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This paper will focus on the Federal Communication Commission's (FCC's) proposed deregulation policy for media ownership. The policy would give companies the ability to own more television stations and the ability to own newspapers and broadcast stations in the same market. Television markets are based on Nielsen Designated Market Area (DMA) (Appendix G). Since big media companies own most media outlets, it is predicted that coverage on this issue would be conservative, as the media would use its power to sway public opinion and government leaders toward lessening the rules. On June 4, 2003, the FCC voted to raise the limit on the number of television stations a company can own. In the past, companies could own enough television stations to reach 35% of Americans but under the new rule, it would be 45%. This means, for example, that ABC could own almost half of its affiliates throughout the country. More television stations will resemble WABC. WABC in New York City is owned by ABC and all content comes from ABC except for the local news. Under past rules, companies were restricted to owning only two television stations in a big city but the new rule would allow companies to own three television stations in the same city. The old rules prohibited the same company to own a newspaper and broadcast station in the same market but the new rules would take away this prohibition (Klein & Wise, 2003). Most Republicans support loosening past FCC rules on media companies while most Democrats support staying with the original rules that were created between 1941 and 1975 (Labaton, 6/5/03). These rules were enacted to promote diverse opinions in the media, encourage competition, and prevent a few big companies from controlling the entire media industry. State regulators could recommend that the FCC prohibit mergers in smaller markets in which one company might attempt to buy up and control all of the media in the market (Ho, 6/19/03). Before the limit was raised, News Corporation, owner of Fox, and Viacom, Incorporated which owns CBS and UPN recently acquired stations resulting in ownership of television stations reaching 35% of Americans, over 5% over the 30% rule. If the limit was not raised, the FCC could force the companies to sell the stations in excess of the limit (Ho, 6/19/03). FCC Chairman Michael Powell says that Viacom and News Corp. own fewer than 3% of the nation's 1,300 commercial television stations (Shiver & Anderson, 2003). Duopolies are protected under the new rules. Duopolies are two television stations owned by the same company in the same market. Companies benefit through duopolies because they can combine back office functions, bundle advertising, and trim staff. (Klein & Vise, 6/3/03). The Tribune Corporation owns a duopoly in the Hartford/New Haven, Connecticut DMA; WTIC, Channel 61, a Fox affiliate, in Hartford, and WTXX, Channel 20, a WB affiliate, in Waterbury (Campbell, 6/17/03). On June 19, 2003, the Senate Commerce Committee voted to restore the ownership restrictions lowering the percentage back down to 35%, bringing back the cross-ownership ban rule, and allowing companies the ability to only own two television stations in major markets (Ho, 6/19/03). The House of Representatives on July 23, 2003 passed a spending bill by a vote of 400-21 to block the new FCC rule. The $40 billion House bill provides money for agencies such as the Commerce, State, and Justice departments (Shiver & Anderson, 2003). The Senate repealed all of the new regulations on September 17, 2003, with a 55-40 vote, a Republican-controlled Senate going against its own Republican president. The House has not agreed to the rules that the Senate decided on and so leaders from both houses will have to make compromises. The sponsors of the Senate resolution know that their bill may not become law. President Bush's administration believes that there is not enough support in both houses to overturn a presidential veto which will happen since Bush is opposed to the repeal of the new rules (Labaton, 9/17/03). The House responded to the public outcry and realized that the new rules could essentially wipe out independent television stations and newspapers similar to how the Telecommunications Act of 1996 wiped out independent radio stations (Cox, 2003). Another issue is whether television stations currently provide enough local and diverse programming. Many argue that they don't currently and that having more media outlets being owned by the same company would only make the problem worse (Shiver, 7/28/03). Powell argues that he favors free-market solutions and fears that creating more media regulation in Washington would hurt the economy. He argues that the FCC is not insulated enough from political influence and that it should be part of the administration so it could implement the president's agenda (Mulkern, 2003). "By instituting our local television multiple ownership rule (especially by banning mergers among the top-four stations, which the record demonstrated typically produce an independent local newscast) and our local radio ownership limit, the Commission will foster multiple independently owned media outlets in both broadcast television and radio - advancing the goal of promoting the widest dissemination of viewpoints (Powell, 7, 2003) The dissenting opinion written by Michael J. Copps, Commissioner at the FCC states, "The Communications Act tells us to use our rules to promote localism, diversity, and competition. It reminds us that the airwaves belong to the American people, and that no broadcast station, no company, no single individual owns an airwave in America" (Copps, 3, 2003). He goes on to argue that 90% of the top cable channels are owned by the same companies who own the TV networks and the cable systems. When more channels are created but the same people own them, goals of localism, editorial diversity, and competition are not met (Copps, 2003). On August 20, 2003, in an attempt to address localism issues, Chairman Powell proposed a promoting localism in broadcasting task force that would make recommendations in one year. He advocates speeding up the licensing for low-powered radio stations that are often run by churches, community groups, and schools (Ho, 8/20/03). Research Director Mark Cooper says that, "talking about new rules to protect media localism, particularly when those rules creep into the area of content regulation, is merely an effort to divert attention from badly reasoned and badly written ownership rules that won't stand up in court" (Ho, 1, 8/20/03). On September 4, 2003, the New York Times reported that a federal appeals court issued a surprise order that prevented the FCC from enacting new rules until at least the outcome of pending litigation that might not happen for months. "This action gives us the opportunity to convince Congress and, if necessary, the courts, that the F.C.C.'s decision is bad for democracy, and bad for broadcast localism," said lawyer Andrew Jay Schwartzman (Labaton, A1, 9/4/03). "I think this is great news, it stops the process dead in its tracks for now. I think the court must have understood what we know now: the F.C.C. embarked on these dramatic rule changes without the benefit of national hearings and thoughtful analysis," said Senator Bryon Dorgan, North Dakota Democrat who is helping to repeal the rules in Congress (Labaton, A1, 9/4/03). Thirty articles from twelve major daily newspapers and two major news wire services between June 1, 2003 and September 31, 2003 were chosen for this project. These sources include The Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Buffalo News, Hartford Courant, Chicago Daily Herald, USA Today, Gannett News Service, Associated Press, Boston Globe, Boston Herald, Atlanta Journal and Constitution, New York Times, Denver Post, and the Los Angeles Times. The date range was chosen because this topic appeared most in the media during this time. Arguments serving the conservative bias and arguments serving the liberal bias were studied. A conservative bias would promote less government restrictions because conservatives believe in less government control and put more emphasis on the market to regulate its own self. Conservatives want to create new rules that would loosen the restrictions of the current rules. Left-wing conservatives want to remove the percentage cap rule altogether. Creating new rules is part of the liberal ideology but in this case, since it loosens government control, it is a conservative ideology viewpoint. A liberal bias would promote government restrictions because liberals believe in more government control and less control to big corporations. Liberals want to keep the current rules while some right-winged liberals want to make the law even stricter by making a smaller percentage cap. Using thirty articles, the number of liberal arguments attributed to a source, liberal arguments not attributed to a source, democratic and left wing sources quoted, conservative arguments attributed to a source, conservative arguments not attributed to a source, and republican and other right wing sources quoted have all been recorded. Factual statements without bias were not coded while statements with qualitative words such as "many" or "some" were put into the "not attributed to a source" category. Words describing a group such as "opponents" and "proponents" were coded as being in the "attributed to a source" category. Conservative statements will be coded as conservative regardless of the political affiliation of the speaker and liberal statements will be coded as liberal regardless of the political affiliation of the speaker. Sometimes more than one sentence was coded as being part of one argument if the speaker or author without going into new evidence reiterates the point. All quoted statements will go in the sources quoted category. It is predicted that the media will provide bias coverage to issues impacting them financially and media companies would benefit greatly financially if they had the opportunity to legally acquire more television stations especially in the top 20 markets. Television advertising rates in the top 20 markets is more expensive than advertising rates in other markets. It's important to take note however that keeping the status quo, is a conservative argument and even though the liberals are in favor of keeping existing rules, they are exhibiting characteristics of the conservative ideology. According to Pew Research Center for The People & The Press poll done in late June 2003, "70% of those who heard a lot about the FCC vote felt it would have a negative impact" and only 6% approved of the vote (Lieberman, 4B, 2003). Table 1 shows each newspaper source used in the study, the number of arguments that were conservative and liberal, and the percentage of liberal arguments to conservative arguments. Articles with a "strong liberal bias" are defined as articles that had 80% or more arguments that are liberal. Articles with a "moderate liberal bias" are defined as articles that had between 60% and 79% liberal arguments. Articles with a "slight liberal bias" are defined as articles that had between 59% and 51% liberal arguments. Articles that had the same number of liberal arguments as conservative arguments, a 50% split, were placed in the "balanced category". Articles with a "strong conservative bias" are defined as articles that had 80% or more arguments that are liberal. Articles with a "moderate conservative bias" are defined as articles that had between 60% and 79% conservative arguments, articles with a "slight conservative bias" are defined as articles that has between 59% and 51% conservative arguments. Table 2 shows how many sources fit into each category but first we will examine how these numbers came to be by looking at Table 1's source ideology totals. The Chicago Daily Harold's coverage of media ownership rules was the most liberal of the news sources used in this study. The split between liberal arguments and conservative arguments was 94% to 6%. It is the only article that qualified to enter the "strong liberal bias" category using the rules as specified earlier. Six newspapers were eligible in being in the "moderate liberal bias" category based on their coverage of the media ownership issue. These newspapers include the Hartford Courant, Gannett News Service, USA Today, Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, and the New York Times. The Hartford Courant, Gannett News Service, and USA Today were the three newspapers with more liberal arguments while Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, and the New York Times had less liberal arguments. The New York Times's 60% to 40% split shows that even though coverage of this issue featured more liberal arguments than conservative arguments, the paper exhibited more of a balanced ideology. Only one newspaper, The Washington Post, was eligible to be in the "slight liberal bias" category. This is contrary to what Eric Alterman says about The Washington Post. "Given the success of Fox News, the Wall Street Journal, The Washington Times, New York Post, American Spectator, Weekly Standard, New York Sun, National Review, Commentary, and so on, no sensible person can dispute the existence of a 'conservative media.' The reader might be surprised to learn that neither do I quarrel with the notion of a 'liberal media.' It is tiny and profoundly underfunded compared to its conservative counterpart, but it does exist'" (Alterman, 9, 2003). The Boston Herald was the only newspaper eligible to be in the "balanced" category. Their coverage in this issue was more balanced than The New York Times. A possible reason is that New York City is more of a liberal city than Boston. Four newspapers were eligible to be in the "strong conservative bias" category. They included The Wall Street Journal, Buffalo News, Denver Post, and the Atlanta Journal and Constitution. All of the newspapers except the later failed to have any liberal arguments while the Atlanta Journal and Constitution's conservative to liberal arguments were split 64% to 36%. No newspapers were eligible to be in the "moderate conservative bias" category. Only one news source, the Associated Press, was eligible to be in the "slight conservative bias" category. The conservative to liberal bias for that source was 53% to 47%. The most significant findings are that the New York Times had 13 more liberal arguments than conservative arguments (60% vs. 40%). The Atlanta Journal and Constitution (36% vs. 64%) almost had twice the number of conservative arguments than liberal arguments. The Chicago Daily Herald had 16 liberal arguments and only 1 conservative argument (94% vs. 6%). The Hartford Courant had seven more liberal arguments than conservative arguments (73% vs. 27%). The Los Angeles Times had twenty more liberal arguments than conservative arguments (62% vs. 38%). The Wall Street Journal had four conservative arguments and no liberal arguments (0% vs. 100%). The USA Today had twice the number of liberal arguments than conservative arguments (66% vs. 34%). Table 2 shows that 180 (60%) of the arguments found in the articles were liberal and 122 (40%) were conservative. This shows that the media did not have a conservative bias on the issue; this could be due to the fact of the public outcry and to the fact that the FCC rules would not have affected newspapers as much as television and radio. Television and radio covered the issue substantially less than newspapers. Table 4 shows that there were 164 arguments attributed to a source (78%) while there were 45 arguments not attributed to a source (22%). These results mean that 78% of the time, the articles used in the research attributed their information and did not try to insert opinion of either side matter-of-factly. The results of table 5 and 6 relate to table 4 in distinguishing which ideology had more attributions. These two tables show that both conservative arguments and liberal arguments had equal amounts of attribution and no attribution. This finding highlights the fact that the media did a good job at trying to give an objective stance on an issue that involved them. 78% of arguments had attribution vs. 22% that had no attribution. There were 120 liberal arguments being studied versus only 82 conservative arguments being studied. Table 7 shows that 60% of the quotes came from liberal/left wing sources while 40% of the quotes came from conservative/right wing sources. These results show that while it was probably easier to obtain quotes from conservative sources since they put out large amounts of information on the FCC website, the media chose to get more quotes from liberal/left wing sources. The research results are accurate and if other articles from the same sources were chosen and analyzed, similar results would be found. It is unclear whether the media purposefully chose to go with a liberal slant due to public outrage and was performing its role as watchdog, trying to disprove the constant lie of a conservative bias, or because they knew putting a conservative slant to the issue may alienate many liberal users of media. The arguments used in the FCC rules are arguments based on the very core of democracy and principles that we as Americans believe. Commissioner Jonathan S. Adelstein in his dissenting opinion explains that letting a handful of powerful companies control our media would violate every aspect of our democratic society. He argues that without diverse, independent media, citizens will no longer be able to participate politically or socially with their government as access to information would be harder to obtain (Adelstein, 2003). Commissioner Kathleen Q. Abernathy explains that federal court opinions tell the FCC that restrictions on ownership must be based on evidence and not speculation. Their public interest goals include ensuring broadcasters' free speech rights. She also argues that every two years, the FCC must review their rules and justify how the rules are important in the modern media world (Abernathy, 2003). Alterman explains that journalists are usually more sympathetic to big corporations, but with this issue, it is not the case (Alterman, 2003). This report clearly shows a liberal bias in the media but also shows in some ways the media was careful to give both sides of an issue but often in a truncated way. The conservatives try hard to defend their reasoning why current rules should be loosened but even when one researches through Federal Communication Commission documents; it is hard to understand their argument. They fail to explain how people, who do not have a vested interest, will benefit if media conglomerates have more power to buy up media outlets and how independent media outlets will be protected. Today's culture supports the belief that big corporations are not good. The baby boomers belief was that big government was not good. It seems as though our society's beliefs on the issue swing back and forth like a pendulum until we realize that both are slowly eating away at democracy proving that it is hard for a capitalistic democratic society to keep both capitalism and democracy in check without one triumphing over the other. |
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